Only a few days before parliamentary elections -- the first after the ousting of former president Hosni Mubarak -- many were doubtful they would go through as per the ruling military junta’s promise, especially with violent protests raging in Tahrir.But on the morning of November 28, detractors were proved wrong when millions of Egyptian citizens turned out to vote for the assembly that is expected not only to shape and draw policy, but also pen “New Egypt’s” constitution. Major General Moktar El Mullah, of the Supreme Council of Armed Forces (SCAF), boasted to national press that the turnout is in itself a response to those skeptics.
As numbers dwindled to a few hundred in Tahrir Square, following wave upon wave of violence and demonstrations that began with a face-off between Central Security Forces (CSF) and protesters in Tahrir, Egyptians queued at the ballot stations for the first round of voting on Monday and Tuesday.
Some voters headed there as early as 5 am, though the polls were scheduled to open at 8 am, and some lines stretched for several kilometers. The polls were secured by both police and army personnel.
The second round is scheduled for December 14, and 15. The elections for both houses will last until March 2012. According to the Ministry of Education, 12,577 schools will be closed for use as polling stations on election days.
Tahrir events meanwhile had left 41 killed, more than 3,000 wounded and many boycotting the elections in another form of protest against the SCAF, which is overseeing the transitional period until a president is elected in June 2012.
The elections were generally quiet -- with some incidents of violence reported around the nation, where in total, around two dozen people were injured. Violations and delays were also reported, including canvassing as the election process resumed.
On social networks, many voters were tweeting or updating Facebook pages with their experiences including observations regarding how smooth or faulty the procedure was. Some reported receiving unstamped voting cards, while others reported huge delays in some stations, where the cards arrived several hours later than scheduled. In response, the Supreme Judicial Committee extended the voting period until 9 pm on Monday.
Some activists on Twitter even reported seeing “bribes” given away by candidates’ supporters to sway voters, as banners remained erected between polls and promotional flyers were distributed. Said bribes allegedly ranged from LE 80 to LE 500 per vote.
But the appetite for elections remained substantial and perhaps even unprecedented; the head of elections committee claimed the numbers were “huge” but gave no official figures yet, while the Ministry of State for administrative developments announced on Tuesday that the elections’ official website elections2011.org had received 22 million inquiries regarding the procedure so far. More than 355,000 Egyptians living abroad registered online in order to vote, and the figure represents registrations for the first round alone.
Shortly after candidate registration closed on October 24, an Administrative Court ruled that Egyptians living abroad must be allowed to vote in the parliamentary elections, a major victory for the 8 million expatriates who previously had not been allowed to vote unless they returned to Egypt to cast their vote in person.
Expats were invited to register online via the High Election Committee website and then vote at embassies or consulates using their national Egyptian identification cards. This sparked a flurry of activity among embassy staff, as only an estimated 1.5 million Egyptians are registered with the Egyptian embassies in the countries in which they live. By November 12, 41,500 voters had registered, according to the official election website.
To accommodate the judicial supervision requirement of the elections, the SCAF gave ambassadors and consuls judiciary power to supervise the elections abroad.
Parliamentary candidate Khaled Nabil filed a lawsuit to deny Egyptians in Israel the right to vote. In response, expatriates living in Israel threatened to challenge the legitimacy of the elections if they are banned from voting. “Such a ruling would be unconstitutional,” Hisham Farid, spokesperson for the Association of Egyptians in Israel, told local press.
Back at home, the Dakahleya governorate’s Administrative Court banned former members of the once-ruling National Democratic Party (NDP) from running for parliamentary elections, basing the decision on the fact the NDP had been disbanded and brought the country to ruin. The court ordered the local elections committees not to accept applications from or party lists carrying NDP member names, despite the registration period being closed two weeks earlier.
The ruling sparked similar lawsuits around the country, with activists renewing the call for the SCAF to issue the promised “treason law” that would bar former NDP members from the political scene.
Two weeks before the first round of polling, the Supreme Administrative Court overturned the Dakahleya ban, saying the judiciary does not have the authority to bar candidates from running.
Many political activists, not ready to give up the fight, went straight to the voters to keep the former regime out of Parliament. Using social media such as Facebook and Twitter, the Free Front for Peaceful Change movement issued a blacklist of former NDP members running for parliamentary elections.
After calls for legislation regulating military budget and spending, violence erupted in Tahrir Square and across the nation as thousands flocked to join the demonstrations. In an effort to appease protesters, the SCAF issued the much-anticipated “Disrupting Political Life” law, more commonly known as the “treason law.” The political isolation legislation stipulates that any citizen who purposely corrupts political life be suspended from their place of employment and denied the right to vote or run for public office.
While some activists have turned to social media to campaign for their parties or ‘unmask’ their opponents, 2011 campaigns have largely followed traditional methods of street advertising and events. Candidates have wallpapered the country with banners, posters and flyers, and the accusations of dirty politics have already started to fly.
Both liberal and Islamist groups have complained that alleged “thugs” are destroying campaign posters, insulting parties and distributing fake flyers mocking opponents. The alleged thuggery seems to be working on both sides, with reports that in less-fortunate areas, the liberal parties’ banners are being torn down and in wealthier quarters Islamist banners are being removed.
Eid Al-Adha brought with it campaign opportunities in the form of charity events. In Qena, the Salafis’ Al-Nour Party distributed two tons of meat during the feast, prepared food bags for poor people and distributed over 1,000 free gifts for children in cooperation with the Doaa El-Salafiya association, the party’s local press office announced.
Before the holiday, the party hosted a market in Fayoum to sell meat and basic supplies at reduced prices. The Muslim Brotherhood also distributed meat during the Eid, with the Brotherhood’s Freedom and Justice party also offering half-price medicine to win the hearts and votes of economically stressed constituents.
Newly formed parties with fewer resources have complained that it is hard to compete with wealthy parties, especially in rural parts of Egypt.
“The politics of the old regime have not given way in this new landscape,” Nora Soliman, spokeswoman for the Justice Party, explained. “People ask us why we are not giving out meat. We tell them we want to give them the tools to buy their own meat.”
While some likened the charity events to NDP tactics used to win elections during the Mubarak era, the Islamist parties countered that they do charity work all the time, even during non-election years, and that food distribution or the use of religious slogans aren’t attempts to influence potential voters.
Even though religious slogans are banned under the election law, some parties are reportedly using them unofficially. The Brotherhood is still using their “Islam is the Solution,” motto, although not on official posters for its Freedom and Justice Party. Liberal and leftist parties have demanded that the High Elections Commission enforce the election law that bans the use of religious slogans in elections campaigns.
Even without official religious slogans, it hasn’t been hard to guess an Islamist party’s social philosophies. Last month, the Muslim Brotherhood’s Freedom and Justice Party organized a bicycle race in Alexandria to “promote sports among the Egyptian youth.” All the participants were male.
In Sohag, Belal Batteekh, a regional secretary for Al-Nour, said in a ceremony that a “woman’s rightful place is home while a man is more suited for politics,” reported the Aswat Masria website.
Many Brotherhood members are reportedly using mosques to campaign for their political party, especially after Eid prayers or during the Friday prayer services, according to local media and observers.
However, many imams have urged people not to use mosques to campaign as they should be reserved for worship, not politics. Coptic Pope Shenouda III has also asked Christian candidates not to use churches to promote their political campaigns.
On the sidelines of the politicians’ campaigns are the awareness campaigns for this year’s new voting procedures. Telecom Egypt launched a new service allowing callers to use their national ID number and the 140 phone directory to find their polling station and other voting information.
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