| Arriving on foreign soil is anything but new for me; I understand that being exposed to new elements and ideas comes with the territory. It had been three years since sands in the Libyan Desert pushed up from under my feet. By Robert Terpstra |
| Arriving on foreign soil is anything but new for me; I understand that being exposed to new elements and ideas comes with the territory. It had been three years since sands in the Libyan Desert pushed up from under my feet. And now, as I was surrounded by the Sahara once again, Egypt was the epicenter of events that can only be described as the dawn of a new age for the entire region.In the past year, I traversed the whole of Iran, walked across the border into Afghanistan and undertook an exhaustive trek throughout Turkey and the Balkans. During this travel, diversity and the absence of inter-connectedness starkly contrasted the union a leaderless throng of demonstrators soon evinced in my next destination.Several months later, a pilgrimage culminated with my arrival in Egypt, just three days before the flashpoint events of January 25. But instead of witnessing a conventional clash so often played out on battlefields, a difference of ideas pitted state against people. Indeed, these were extraordinary times for every Egyptian, but also for those of us watching from the sidelines. The events were not only broadcast on television, for many, history was unfolding right outside their very homes. With the loss of the internet, as well as mobile services, Cairo was on the verge of lockdown. Twenty-four hour coverage courtesy of CNN and BBC were my eyes on the ground, live from Tahrir Square. As the political crisis continued to unfold, I felt a tingling, adrenaline-filled sensation just being in the city, but unsure if I could ever truly understand the Egyptians’ struggle as an outsider looking in. Far from scared, I disagreed with my two roommates’ decision to evacuate. Granted, this may have been due to my absence from Tahrir, but did I want to join them? Of course, few would say they wouldn’t. That said, I was content with staying holed up in my Maadi apartment. Disconnected yes, but when news of Mubarak’s toppling was imminent, this was the moment that I realized the people had won: David had defeated Goliath. For the first time since I arrived I was empathetic, able to celebrate in the victory the Egyptians had achieved. “Mission Accomplished,” Google executive Wael Ghonim tweeted. Immediately, it reminded me of a 2009 New Yorker essay by best-selling author Malcolm Gladwell. In it, he refers to political scientist Ivan Arreguín-Toft’s work in war analysis dating back to the beginning of the nineteenth century. According to Arreguín-Toft, the stronger opponent in terms of weapons, strategy and financial backing won more than 70 percent of its battles against significantly weaker opponents. However, when the weaker side chose to use unconventional strategies, the tables turned, and the underdogs, in fact, were able to gain the upper hand in 65 percent of encounters. In Egypt’s case, though former President Hosni Mubarak had the military and police force at his disposal, protesters used massive peaceful demonstrations and social networking to not only get the attention of foreign media, but also garner support from a huge number of Egyptians from all walks of life, uniting the nation in a way unseen in decades. And this is where I, like so many others, had done the protesters a disservice. I had thought events would play out conventionally. I always scoffed at advocates preaching the virtues of Facebook and grassroots political activism. Now I realized that the combination of motivated persons willing to sacrifice — and even die — for their cause, for Egypt, and unconventional weapons such as social media, will and determination were indeed enough to move mountains. As the Bolivian revolutionary Che Guevera often said: Hasta la victoria siempre! Onward to victory! |
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